Senior Taliban figure Anas Haqqani says the group originally intended to enter Kabul in 2021 through a negotiated arrangement with the then-government to preserve international legitimacy.
However, he said, the Taliban was forced to take the city after former president Ashraf Ghani abruptly left the country.
In an interview with a Taliban-run radio station in Kabul, Haqqani said the group had long known the United States would withdraw from Afghanistan. He claimed the plan was to enter the capital “through mutual understanding” so that relations with the world would remain normal, but that strategy failed when news arrived that Ghani had departed Kabul.
Haqqani said that during the Doha talks between the Taliban and the US, the group realised Washington was determined to leave but would not say so publicly. The Ghani government, meanwhile, insisted it was being sidelined in the negotiations and believed US forces would remain.
According to Haqqani, Taliban leaders had expected a transfer of power and sought to keep government institutions functioning, maintain order, and prevent looting by agreeing an orderly entry into Kabul. “We knew the Americans would definitely leave… We understood the situation and recognised the necessity,” he said.
He noted that he refers to Ghani’s departure as “left” rather than “fled” and still calls him “Dr. Ghani” an unusually respectful tone among Taliban leaders.
Speaking about the Doha process, Haqqani said the Taliban negotiating team’s priority was to sign an agreement with the US “in front of the world”, which he described as “the signing of America’s defeat,” though Western governments referred to it as a peace deal.
Once intra-Afghan talks began, he said, Taliban negotiators lost hope of progress. He claimed the Kabul delegation aimed to delay talks until Joe Biden replaced Donald Trump, at which point they would cancel the agreement. “Talks with the Afghan team were pointless, so we decided to hold only symbolic meetings,” he said.
Haqqani’s comments come ahead of the fourth anniversary of the Taliban’s return to power. Many Afghan politicians argue that the key to peace was an intra-Afghan agreement, but in Doha the US signed a deal directly with the Taliban without securing consensus among Afghan factions, paving the way for the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
Anas Haqqani, the half-brother of Taliban Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani, was arrested by Afghanistan’s National Directorate of Security in 2014 and freed in 2019 in exchange for two American professors. He joined the Taliban’s Doha negotiating team soon after. Although he has never held a senior official post in the Taliban administration, he remains influential in decision-making circles.
Following the Doha deal, the Taliban seized power in August 2021 and imposed sweeping restrictions: banning political activities and parties, censoring media, closing schools and universities to girls and women, barring women from political participation, and even prohibiting them from visiting amusement parks and public spaces.
The group has staffed top government posts exclusively with clerics, prompting many skilled professionals to flee. Due to these policies, and no country except Russia has formally recognised the Taliban government.
The Taliban in Kunar, Nangarhar, Nuristan and Laghman provinces have pressured independent radio stations to dedicate programming on 15 August to promote pro-Taliban propaganda, local sources told Afghanistan International.
Media managers in the eastern provinces said they had been threatened with repercussions if they refused to comply. The Taliban’s Directorate of Information and Culture reportedly instructed outlets to invite analysts critical of the former government, use derogatory language to condemn the previous regime, and air only pro-Taliban content that day.
Sources said that while the Taliban operate their own media channels, they have ordered independent outlets to broadcast the group’s scripted programmes without payment. Promises of compensation made in the past were never honoured, forcing stations to cover the costs themselves.
Some outlets said they have little choice but to follow the directives or risk closure under various pretexts. In Nangarhar, the Taliban warned that failure to comply would result in restrictions on programming.
A journalist from eastern Afghanistan, speaking on condition of anonymity, said officials from the Directorate of Information and Culture frequently visit stations, review programme schedules, and make changes. He said such interference has severely disrupted editorial independence.
Last year, the Taliban ordered all private radio and television stations in Jalalabad to air only Taliban songs and content marking the group’s victory on 15 August 2021.
Since seizing power, the Taliban have celebrated 15 August as the anniversary of their entry into Kabul, calling it the “day of victory over the US occupation and its allies.”
The Taliban’s Foreign Ministry said on Sunday it had summoned officials from the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) over a report detailing the detention and torture of Afghan migrants deported from neighbouring countries.
In a statement issued on 10 August, the ministry warned UNAMA that it would take “necessary measures” if the mission continued publishing reports “intended to disturb public opinion.”
The response came after a joint report by UNAMA and the UN Human Rights Office alleged that Afghan returnees, particularly women, former soldiers, ex-government employees and journalists, face serious risks of torture, arbitrary detention and other human rights abuses by the Taliban. The findings, published earlier, were based on interviews with 49 returnees from Iran and Pakistan in 2024.
The Taliban said a joint commission, comprising representatives from the Foreign Ministry, the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, and the intelligence agency, had reviewed the UN findings.
According to the Taliban statement, the report was “substandard,” exaggerated incidents, and framed them in a “political, ethnic and linguistic” context. It accused UNAMA of “distorting realities” and ignoring Afghanistan’s religious and social values.
The ministry claimed that instead of focusing on assistance provided to migrants, UNAMA had “played with words” to stir public concern, relying on the experiences of “a small number” of individuals while overlooking what it called the “safe and dignified” return of millions of Afghans.
The Taliban further alleged that UNAMA “deliberately” chose a handful of deportees for its report and that many of the claims were speculative and unsupported by evidence. It accused the mission of using politically charged language and violating neutrality.
UNAMA’s July report documented alleged abuses including torture and ill-treatment, arbitrary arrest and detention, and threats to personal safety by the Taliban.
The Taliban told UNAMA officials to “seriously review” their reporting methods and take steps to address what they called “scientific and professional shortcomings.”
The summons comes against a backdrop of strained relations between the Taliban and UN human rights bodies. The group has previously barred the UN special rapporteur on human rights from entering Afghanistan, although both the rapporteur and UNAMA continue to release critical reports on the country’s rights situation.
In its latest quarterly update, UNAMA also cited widespread human rights violations, including restrictions on women, risks to returnees, public executions, and pressure on the media and civil society activists.
he United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has, in its latest quarterly human rights report, documented mass arrests of ethnic Uzbeks and widespread abuses across the country.
The findings detail intensified restrictions on women, threats to returning Afghans, public executions, and growing pressure on the media and civil society activists.
According to UNAMA, over the past three months the Taliban has increased its social, political, and economic restrictions on the Afghan population, with women bearing the brunt of these measures.
Taliban Kill Protesters Opposing Poppy Field Destruction in Badakhshan
The UN mission confirmed that in July, at least 10 people were killed when Taliban forces opened fire on protesters opposing the destruction of opium poppy fields in Badakhshan province. The report also stated that dozens more were injured in the shootings.
On 25 May, Taliban forces in Jurm district fired on demonstrators, killing one man and injuring six others. On 30 June, at least eight men were killed and 22 others including a girl were injured in further gunfire on protesters.
A day after the latter incident, Taliban forces reportedly attacked the funeral of those killed, shooting dead at least one man and wounding 12 others.
The clashes in Khash district in July followed the deployment of Taliban units to destroy poppy fields in the area. The Taliban-appointed governor of Badakhshan, Mohammad Ayoub Khalid, admitted to civilian casualties, describing them to the BBC as the result of “accidental firing” by Taliban forces. He also confirmed that special forces had been sent to suppress the protests.
Mass Arrests of Uzbeks in Faryab Province
The UN report confirmed that in June, the Taliban arrested at least 165 Uzbek residents of Faryab province following clashes between local Pashtun and Uzbek communities.
The violence began when “a group of Pashtun youths threw firecrackers at a gathering of Uzbek girls”, prompting a confrontation between Pashtun youths and a group of Uzbek men at the scene.
The Taliban arrested two Pashtun boys in connection with the incident, but detained 87 Uzbeks immediately after the clashes. Later, Taliban police and intelligence officers arrested another 30 Uzbek men who had tried to prevent further arrests.
On the same day, residents of an Uzbek-populated village in Faryab staged a protest and attacked Taliban police posts. UNAMA reported that between 8 and 10 June, the Taliban detained 48 more Uzbeks believed to have participated in the demonstrations. Some detainees were children.
All those arrested in connection with the Faryab incidents were later released.
Local sources earlier told Afghanistan International that the arrests followed a confrontation during the Eid holidays in Dawlatabad district over harassment of girls. Residents subsequently protested outside the Taliban police headquarters, chanting “Long live Dostum.”
Tightening Restrictions on Women
UNAMA reported that women and girls remain barred from education beyond grade six, from taking the Kankor university entrance exam, and from entering universities. No signs have emerged that these policies will be reversed.
Strict enforcement of the mandatory hijab continues, with requirements for “full-length clothing” in Herat and full face coverings in some provinces. Women deemed non-compliant by local officials have been barred from markets, public transport, and service centres, and in some cases detained.
In Uruzgan province, UNAMA documented cases where women were detained for wearing a form of hijab other than the burqa. The Taliban’s requirement for a male guardian (mahram) has effectively curtailed women’s freedom of movement restricting travel over 78 kilometres, visits to medical facilities, and even attendance at workplaces without a male escort.
Some women detained for dress code violations were only released when relatives brought them the required clothing.
In Kandahar, female health workers may only work if their male guardians are issued special identity cards approved by local elders. UNAMA also recorded cases in which Taliban officials refused to provide services to unaccompanied women.
Women are also banned from numerous public spaces, including parks, sports venues, and public baths. Families have, in some cases, been forced to leave recreational areas so that only all-male groups could remain. In some rural areas, the ban on girls’ education has been informally extended to levels below grade six.
Threats to Returning Afghans
The report highlights the risks faced by Afghans forcibly returned from host countries, warning they may face arrest, abuse, and lack of safe shelter.
Despite the Taliban’s announcement of a general amnesty for former members of the security and defence forces and ex-government employees, returnees from these groups still face threats. The same applies to those who worked for international organisations and human rights groups. Some have left the country again due to safety concerns.
Public Executions and Corporal Punishment
UNAMA recorded public executions in April in Badghis, Nimruz, and Farah provinces. Those convicted of murder were shot often by victims’ relatives in sports stadiums before hundreds of spectators.
Since August 2021, six other public executions have been carried out. The Taliban’s Supreme Court confirmed these were conducted after final court rulings and approval by the group’s leader. Taliban spokesmen have defended executions as part of “Sharia law.”
The report also said public flogging remains in use, with 185 men and 48 women punished in public during the reporting period.
Media Restrictions Intensify
UNAMA reported that many private media outlets, under both political pressure and financial strain, have either shut down or laid off half their staff.
In several provinces, broadcasting images of living beings has been banned, political programmes suspended, and analysts required to obtain permission from the Ministry of Information and Culture before appearing in the media.
The Taliban’s Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue has expanded social media monitoring, arresting users in Baghlan, Balkh, Kunduz, and Zabul for allegedly posting “inappropriate” content.
Journalists and media workers have faced short-term detentions, threats, and intimidation, with some outlets having licences revoked or being closed altogether.
On 19 June, the Taliban leader approved a law regulating gatherings of poets, citing the need to “protect Islamic principles and culture.” On 29 June, the Ministry of Information and Culture issued new rules requiring special permits for publishing political content, which must be vetted before release.
Arrests and Pressure on Civil Society Activists
In the reporting period, 655 people, 650 men and five women, were detained by the Taliban, many without formal charges or due process. Civil society activists and human rights defenders have been threatened, intimidated, or arrested, with some of their family members also targeted.
Women’s rights activists in several provinces have been forced to flee their homes.
Torture, Ill-Treatment, and Judicial Interference
UNAMA documented cases of torture and ill-treatment in Taliban detention centres, including beatings, deprivation of food, and death threats. In some cases, detainees were denied access to legal counsel, trials were conducted behind closed doors, punishments were imposed before court rulings, and Taliban officials directly interfered in judicial proceedings.
UNAMA publishes a detailed human rights report every three months, documenting violations of fundamental freedoms, restrictions on the media and civil society, and the security and humanitarian situation of vulnerable groups in Afghanistan.
Iran’s justice minister has warned that any mistreatment of Afghan migrants during deportation will lead to legal action against those responsible, amid growing reports of abuse.
During a visit to Taybad district in the borders with Afghanistan to inspect deportation procedures, Justice Minister Amin Hossein Rahimi said the return of Afghan nationals must be conducted “with dignity and respect.”
On Sunday, Rahimi reiterated the need to expel what he called “illegal” migrants, saying: “No country accepts the entry of unauthorised foreigners. Migrants from any country must enter Iran, or any place they wish to go, legally and in compliance with that country’s laws and conditions.”
He said the timeframe for identifying and deporting Afghan migrants is “two hours,” and added that with cooperation from all relevant agencies at the Dogharun border crossing, the process, from identification to return, takes less than two hours for Afghans without residence permits.
Rahimi’s remarks follow repeated reports in recent months of violence by Iranian police against Afghan migrants, as well as discriminatory and insulting behaviour by some Iranian citizens.
Earlier, the Awa legal and social counselling centre published an investigative report alleging that hundreds of Afghan migrants had been subjected to violence and mistreatment during deportation from Iran, with their belongings confiscated.
In addition, some returnees have accused Iranian officers of tearing up valid passports containing legitimate visas.
Following the Taliban’s official ban on opium cultivation and trafficking, some Taliban officials and drug smugglers have turned to producing methamphetamine, locally known as shisha, derived from the ephedra plant, known in Afghanistan simply as ephedra.
An investigation by Afghanistan International indicates that certain Taliban figures are directly involved in the ephedra trade.
Research conducted in Kandahar, Helmand, Farah, Zabul, Ghor, and Uruzgan provinces, combined with information from credible local sources, reveals that hidden collection centers for ephedra, the key ingredient for meth production, remain active across these regions.
Local sources say this drug trade has flourished under Taliban rule. Farmers in the south report that some Taliban commanders either permit the production and smuggling of ephedra or impose taxes on groups engaged in the trade.
The plant grows naturally in Afghanistan’s central and southern highlands, especially in Ghor, Daikundi, and Uruzgan, and has rapidly become a crucial raw material for methamphetamine production.
Reports indicate the drug is trafficked through Nimruz, Farah, and Balochistan to Iran, Türkiye, and even Europe.
Although Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada banned the cultivation and trafficking of narcotics in 2022, neighboring countries have repeatedly claimed that drug smuggling from Afghanistan has increased. With opium smuggling reduced, the ephedra trade has expanded to such an extent that it has drawn the attention of international counter-narcotics agencies.
Who Profits from the Ephedra Trade?
A lack of basic services in remote areas, widespread unemployment, and the absence of crop-substitution programs have long pushed rural communities to rely on poppy cultivation as their primary source of income.
The Taliban’s narcotics ban has dealt a severe economic blow to thousands of farmers. In many remote areas, they have now turned to harvesting the ephedra plant.
Haji Amanullah, a farmer from Deh Rawood district in Uruzgan, explained: “Ephedra grows naturally in the mountains. It doesn’t require planting, irrigation, or much effort. People simply go to the mountains, collect it, dry it, and traffickers buy it. The process is simple, and the profit motivates farmers to keep doing it.”
Farmers say collecting ephedra is a hidden but thriving trade, with demand rising daily and underground drug networks remaining strong.
According to Amanullah, dried ephedra sells for about 400 Afghanis per kilogram, and daily income from harvesting it often surpasses earnings from other agricultural work. Children, young men, and even women in mountainous regions participate in gathering the plant.
As with poppy and other narcotics, most profits from ephedra go to traffickers rather than farmers.
Amanullah Pir noted: “Even with poppy, the real profit never went to the farmers, it was the big traffickers and middlemen who benefited most. We farmers were just happy to get a small share. The difference with ephedra is that it requires no planting or care, yet still brings large profits, mainly for traffickers and powerful individuals.”
He added that deepening poverty, limited economic opportunities, and strong global demand for narcotics have driven many farmers to choose ephedra as a replacement income source.
Ephedra: Economic Lifeline or Emerging Crisis?
Residents of southern Afghan provinces say that economic hardship, unemployment, and the Taliban’s poppy ban have pushed them toward harvesting the ephedra plant.
Sources report that the trade is expanding daily in districts across Helmand, Uruzgan, Ghor, Daikundi, Kandahar, Bamiyan, and Farah provinces.
Asadullah, a resident of Sangin district in Helmand and owner of an ephedra-processing facility, said: “After the poppy ban, this new trade has become an important source of income for people.”
He added: “Now everyone in Helmand is involved in it. If you invest five to seven hundred thousand Afghanis, you can double it in two months. It’s simple work, all you need is a grinder, a container, and a few bottles.”
According to Asadullah, the process is so easy and profitable that people often collect the plant from the mountains themselves and sell it at low prices to drug traders.
He explained: “Using simple acid, water, and heat, the plant is turned into a substance called ephedra, which is then used to produce crystal meth.”
Neda Mohammad, a resident of Uruzgan, said the plant has now become a daily source of income for many in the province: “The collection of ephedra has grown so much that people hire four or five workers every day to gather it from the mountains, earning between 1,000 and 2,000 Afghanis daily. It’s good business because many are involved in it.”
Reports from remote districts of Kandahar, including Nesh, Mianashin, Khakrez, and others, indicate widespread harvesting, with some local Taliban commanders also cooperating in the trade.
Abdullah, a resident of Nesh district, described the process: “The dried leaves of ephedra are ground, soaked in acid overnight, then burned to produce a yellowish substance that is later made into crystal meth.”
Abdul Ali, a former herbal medicine seller who has moved into the narcotics business, explained: “This plant used to be a remedy for coughs and colds, but now it has taken on a new role. We are rural people with no doctors, this was our family medicine for centuries. Now it’s used for making drugs. It’s dangerous, but it brings high profits.”
In the mountainous areas of Sangin, Baghran, and Musa Qala in Helmand; Khakrez, Nesh, and Ghorak in Kandahar; and Gizab and Khas Uruzgan, residents collect the plant from afternoon until sunset and sell it cheaply.
Although the Taliban claim to have halted ephedra production and shut down processing plants, evidence on the ground tells a different story. Locals say they collect the plant out of necessity, while drug traders process it and export it abroad.
Taliban’s Position on Ephedra
Ephedra, now a key part of Afghanistan’s drug economy and a trade involving some local Taliban commanders, as become a major challenge for the Taliban government.
The Taliban’s counter-narcotics directorate says that over the past year it has destroyed 1,400 drug production facilities and laboratories, including those producing methamphetamine, and referred nearly 14,000 traffickers and traders to the judiciary. Officials also claim that ephedra production has been reduced by 80 percent.
However, local and international sources present a different picture. At a UN conference, Iran’s Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni said that in the first 10 months of this year, trafficking of synthetic drugs from Afghanistan to Iran had risen by 20 percent. He noted that while opium smuggling has declined, trafficking of synthetic drugs, particularly methamphetamine, continues.
Taliban officials insist they are taking serious action against drug trafficking. Mullah Abdul Haq Hamkar, Deputy Interior Minister for Counter Narcotics, stated that in the past three months, nearly 84,000 kilograms of ephedra had been seized and 27 methamphetamine factories shut down.
A source in the Taliban’s counter-narcotics office in Kandahar told Afghanistan International that the plant has been banned in some provinces since December 2021, but many still collect it out of poverty or to meet market demand.
Experts warn that without addressing Afghanistan’s economic crisis, strengthening the rule of law, improving transparency, and enhancing regional cooperation, replacing the drug economy will be a long and difficult process.
Hidden Trade: The Role of Local Taliban Officials
Although the Taliban government has officially banned the cultivation, production, use, and trafficking of narcotics, findings by Afghanistan International supported by accounts from local sources and eyewitnesses, indicate that Taliban commanders, major former traffickers, and certain local officials are involved in the ephedra trade.
Among the figures named are some of the Taliban’s most prominent financial backers from its first regime: Haji Bashir Noorzai, recently freed from a US prison and now living in Kandahar; Mullah Qayyum Zakir, deputy defense minister; Naim Barich, Taliban governor of Nangarhar; Hedayatullah Badri, Taliban minister of mines, and members of his family; as well as several governors and local commanders.
Sources say this new ephedra trade is largely driven by these networks, who seek to expand it quietly but extensively.
A resident of Nesh district in Kandahar, speaking anonymously, said: “At the local level, district governors and commanders are involved in trafficking and processing this plant. Ordinary people can’t produce or sell it. Local officials use certain people to gather and grind the plant, then send it to areas where crystal meth is made.”
Available data shows that four kilograms of ephedra sell for between 100 and 300 Afghanis, and 30 kilograms of the plant yield one kilogram of processed ephedra.
A source confirmed that crystal meth labs remain active in Bakwa district of Farah, as well as in Sangin, Musa Qala, and Gereshk in Helmand.
Residents of Nesh report serious disputes within the Taliban over control and trafficking of ephedra, sometimes escalating into armed clashes. Eyewitnesses say two such clashes occurred in Nesh over the past year, resulting in deaths and injuries.
One local resident explained: “In the past year, there have been two incidents in Nesh. One Taliban group is trying to stop the ephedra trade, while another, sent from the center and linked to former jihad commanders, gathers, processes, and ships the plant elsewhere.”
He added: “This isn’t just a religious issue; it’s a financial dispute. One side sees it as enforcing Sharia, the other as a legitimate source of income.”
Locals say they have repeatedly reported the situation to central authorities, but no serious action has been taken. Disputes over ephedra are not limited to Nesh, similar tensions exist in Nimruz, Helmand, Farah, and Uruzgan. Sources say even intervention from the capital sometimes fails, as each faction has its own justification.
Farmers in southern Afghanistan claim that high-ranking Taliban commanders and officials have preserved the drug trade through their networks and civilian contacts, while bans are enforced only on ordinary farmers.
Haji Amanullah, a resident of Deh Rawood district in Uruzgan, said collecting ephedra is an effective way to strengthen the local farming economy and support poor communities “Gathering ephedra is the easiest and cheapest way to earn money, and access to its market is simple.”
Despite repeated Taliban claims of launching an unprecedented campaign against narcotics, global skepticism is growing. New information shows that trafficking of synthetic drugs from Afghanistan not only persists but, according to data from some neighboring countries, has actually increased.
Reports from officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in particular, have challenged the Taliban’s assertions about counter-narcotics efforts.
Young people exposed to acid fumes during ephedra processing suffer health problems such as shortness of breath, headaches, and even paralysis. Locals say the work is often carried out under compulsion or due to poverty.
The United Nations has repeatedly warned that ephedra is at the center of a new drug crisis.
UN data shows that in 2021, methamphetamine seizures in Afghanistan rose from 100 kilograms to 2,700 kilograms. In 2023, Iran seized 662 tons of various narcotics, most of them originating from Afghanistan.