EU Plans Brussels Talks With Taliban On Deportation Of Afghan Migrants

Without naming Mohammad Mohaqiq, Atmar said on X on Monday that such positions represent a departure from the demands and feelings of the Afghan people. He described the Durand Line as an “imposed imaginary line” that ignored national will.

Mohaqiq, leader of the People’s Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan and a member of the High Council for National Resistance, said on Sunday that he recognises the Durand Line as the official border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

He stressed that he is committed to borders recognised by the United Nations.

Atmar, a senior figure in the former governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani, has held key roles including foreign minister, interior minister and national security adviser.

He said recognising the Durand Line is “unacceptable and contrary to national sovereignty”, arguing that the Afghan people do not accept it and that it was imposed on the country.

He added that no political consideration “can or should” override the people’s right to sovereignty and self-determination.

Mohaqiq’s remarks have drawn reactions from other Afghan politicians.

Rahmatullah Nabil, former head of Afghanistan’s National Directorate of Security, said the comments appeared more like a “questionable political shift” than a clear legal position.

In his interview, Mohaqiq said that regardless of who signed the original agreement under Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, the United Nations and the international community now recognise the Durand Line.

He also argued that those raising territorial claims against Pakistan should consider their capacity, describing Pakistan as a nuclear power and opposing continued dispute with Islamabad.

Neda Mohammad Nadeem made the remarks on Monday during a meeting with students at Shaikh Zayed University in Khost, urging them to refrain from political and party-related activities.

The Taliban have banned political parties in Afghanistan and have told former politicians to live as ordinary citizens. Taliban intelligence has repeatedly detained journalists and media analysts over their comments.

Over the past two decades, Afghanistan had political parties and civil society organisations that could operate and criticise the government. Since returning to power, the Taliban, particularly their intelligence apparatus, have shut down such activities and curtailed criticism.

According to a statement from the higher education ministry issued on Monday, April 20, Nadeem also encouraged students to improve their technical and professional skills to attain higher positions.

His remarks come as the Taliban have filled many senior and mid-level technical and administrative posts with commanders and graduates of religious schools.

Unlike in many other countries, the Taliban leader has appointed figures with military backgrounds and religious education to key roles, including at the helm of Afghanistan’s central bank.

Despite criticism over monopolising power, the Taliban have rejected such accusations. Officials have also been accused of appointing relatives and close associates to government positions.

He had been detained on April 10, from his home in Kandahar. Sources say both his arrest and release point to internal divisions and pressure within the Taliban leadership.

His detention sparked concern and unease among Taliban members and supporters, particularly those who hold him in high regard. Sources say the move was widely seen as a sign of internal rivalry and power struggles, prompting swift reactions from different factions.

Mutasim Agha Jan is considered an influential figure within the Taliban and enjoys significant support. According to sources, this backing led Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada to order his release to prevent further escalation of tensions and deeper fractures within the group.

Despite the significance of the incident, neither Taliban officials nor Mutasim himself have commented publicly. The circumstances and any negotiations leading to his release remain unclear.

His detention and subsequent release highlight ongoing divisions between hardline factions in Kandahar and other centres of power within the Taliban. The episode underscores continuing challenges to unity and cohesion within the group, suggesting that moves against influential figures could carry serious consequences for its internal stability.

Speaking alongside former Secretary of State John Kerry at Dartmouth College on April 13, Pompeo rejected the view that the United States had sidelined the Afghan government during the Doha talks led by envoy Zalmay Khalilzad.

He said the US had supported the Afghan government for 15 years, but it failed to meet the basic needs of its people while the Taliban continued to advance.

Pompeo said Khalilzad had been recommended for the role by several former officials and was selected as the best candidate after consultations.

He said the Trump administration’s strategy was to bring all Afghan parties, including the Taliban, into negotiations, adding it was the first administration to get all sides into one room.

Pompeo criticised Ashraf Ghani, saying he had no intention of resolving Afghanistan’s problems and was content with a status quo that put Americans at risk.

He added that both Trump and Joe Biden campaigned on ending the US presence in Afghanistan. According to Pompeo, the Trump administration aimed for a negotiated solution, a process that could have taken years, similar to peace efforts in Colombia or South Africa.

He said the Biden administration ultimately chose a rapid withdrawal, and that the plan never had the chance to be tested.

Pompeo declined to disclose any secret annexes of the Doha agreement, citing national security concerns.

Peace talks with the Taliban began during Trump’s first term, with the US appointing Zalmay Khalilzad as special envoy and engaging directly with the group to end the war.

The Doha agreement was signed on 29 February 2020, under which the US agreed to withdraw its forces and the Taliban pledged that Afghan territory would not be used against the US and its allies. The deal also paved the way for intra-Afghan talks.

Khalilzad had previously told a US House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing in 2024 that “side agreements” with the Taliban were classified, noting that sheltering al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri would constitute a “serious violation”.

The US Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) has said many elements of the agreement were not made public, including verbal commitments by the Taliban not to attack major cities or diplomatic sites.

SIGAR reported that even it could not obtain copies of these annexes from the US Department of Defense or State Department.

It also said officials from the former Afghan government lacked clear knowledge of these details. The report noted that limitations on US military support in practice benefited the Taliban, including restrictions preventing US aircraft from targeting Taliban fighters waiting more than 500 metres away.

SIGAR said the Taliban also used this ambiguity for propaganda and psychological warfare.

A Taliban spokesman has previously said the annexes concern the timetable and process of US troop withdrawal and commitments not to attack US forces.

As foreign forces withdrew and the Taliban advanced, the Afghan government led by Ashraf Ghani collapsed on 15 August 2021, and the Taliban entered Kabul and regained control of the country.

Daudzai, a member of the National Resistance Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan alongside Mohaqiq, said he views the Durand Line as an “imaginary line”, in contrast to Mohaqiq’s position.

Writing on X, he added that differing views among members of the council are natural and said the group, like bodies such as the UN General Assembly or a parliament, seeks to reach joint decisions under a common framework.

He said final decisions on national issues would be left to future processes and major gatherings.

Daudzai also noted that he is not, and has never been, a member of the National Resistance Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan, saying the term “resistance” implies war, which he opposes.

Mohaqiq, a prominent anti-Taliban figure, recently said he recognises the Durand Line as the official international border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

In an interview, Mohaqiq said the Taliban claim around 35% of Pakistan’s territory but stressed he adheres to borders recognised by the United Nations.

He added that he does not support territorial claims against Pakistan, warning: “If we claim Attock, they [Pakistan] will come up to Matak [Northern Kabul].”

Mohaqiq leads the Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan and holds influence among communities in central and northern parts of the country.