Pakistan Hosts Regional Meet On Afghanistan Without Taliban

Following reduced trade with Pakistan and rising medicine prices in Afghanistan, Taliban delegations have travelled to several countries to find alternative import routes.

Taliban representatives have previously visited countries such as India, Iran and Uzbekistan.

In a statement released on Tuesday, May 5, the Taliban public health ministry said the visit aims to strengthen bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Russia and expand strategic cooperation in pharmaceuticals and food supplies. It added that the trip also focuses on regulating the market and facilitating the import of standard, safe and reliable medicines and food products.

According to the statement, the delegation will meet officials in Russia’s pharmaceutical and health products sector to discuss areas of cooperation.

It added that visiting reputable Russian pharmaceutical companies, assessing production capacity, exploring advanced technologies in drug production and quality control, and promoting joint investment opportunities are among the key objectives of the visit.

The Taliban health ministry said these efforts could help exchange expertise, improve technical capacity and expand joint cooperation in the pharmaceutical sector.

The visit comes amid increased medicine shortages in Afghanistan following tensions with Pakistan and the closure of some trade routes. The Taliban are seeking alternative trade channels to address the problem.

Afghanistan International reported on February 9, in an investigative report that medicine prices in Kabul rose by up to 40% after trade with Pakistan declined.

According to the report, formal pharmaceutical trade has sharply decreased, and a significant portion of medicines now enters Afghanistan through smuggling routes.

UNICEF added that 10 million children and mothers received services and resources to prevent malnutrition, while 4 million children were provided with learning materials and teaching support in schools and emergency education programmes.

A further 2.7 million people benefited from emergency water and sanitation services.

The organisation expressed sincere gratitude to all its partners and donors for their “valuable support” in achieving its 2025 results.

UNICEF aims to treat more than one million children suffering from severe malnutrition in Afghanistan in 2026.

He told the broadcaster ARD on Sunday evening that those opposing deportations should explain whether Germany would be safer if such individuals remained in the country.

According to published information, at least 138 Afghan asylum seekers have been deported from Germany to Afghanistan over the past year.

Reports also indicate that the German government has reached an arrangement with the Taliban to facilitate regular deportations. In return, the Taliban have been allowed to send two diplomats to Germany.

Human rights organisations and those politicians, who are critic of the move, argue that Afghanistan is not a safe destination for deportations under Taliban rule.

A source close to him told Afghanistan International on Monday that, due to these pressures, Abdullah has halted his media activities. Sources say phone access to him has also become increasingly difficult in recent weeks.

A review of Abdullah’s social media accounts (Facebook and X) shows that he has had no activity since around 10 April (late March 2025).

He did not even offer condolences on the death of the wife of Yunus Qanuni, former vice president a close friend and political ally, while Hamid Karzai, former president, and many other political figures issued messages of sympathy.

Abdullah Abdullah, Hamid Karzai and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar are three prominent political figures who remained in Kabul after the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021.

Initially presented by the Taliban as symbols of “general amnesty” and “national unity”, the three have in recent years faced increasing restrictions.

Pressure On Remaining Political Figures

Abdullah Abdullah has not given any interviews or public speeches in the past five years and is the only senior figure from the former government to have adopted complete media silence. While he has had limited permission to travel to New Delhi to visit family, his public and media activities have been severely restricted.

Hamid Karzai, despite regular meetings with Taliban officials and foreign diplomats, has also faced growing limitations, including reported pressure for forced exile and restrictions on his public role.

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leader of the Hezb-e-Islami, who initially welcomed the Taliban’s return, has in recent years come under heavier pressure, including orders to shut down all Hezb-e Islami offices nationwide, arrests of party members, confiscation of property and equipment, and eviction from a government residence in Darulaman.

Fawzia Koofi, former MP, has also faced serious pressure. Months ago, the Taliban confiscated her home in Kabul, and more recently 28 April 2026, raided her family’s new residence and detained several relatives and associates in Badakhshan.

These actions are seen as an attempt to pressure her over her international advocacy against the Taliban.

The restrictions are part of a broader Taliban policy to eliminate independent political voices and consolidate exclusive control.

The Taliban have declared all political parties illegal.

This escalation comes as the Taliban continue to call on political opponents abroad to return to Afghanistan.

Shahabuddin Delawar, former minister of mines and Noorullah Noori have recently spoken of general amnesty, citing Abdullah, Karzai and Hekmatyar as examples.

This contradiction, inviting returns while increasing pressure on figures inside Kabul and their families, comes amid serious regional challenges for the Taliban, including strained relations with Pakistan, reports of a shift in Russia’s policy towards the group, and international pressure over women’s rights and regional stability.

The Taliban authorities have not yet provided an official explanation for these new restrictions, and the international community and the United Nations have so far not responded.

Awal Gul sent an envoy to Osama bin Laden with a message: “If I remain in my post, I will fire shoot at locations that you are not in them.” Bin Laden accepted, although Ayman al-Zawahiri was reportedly skeptical of the arrangement.

Tora Bora, a rugged mountainous area in Pachir wa Agam district of Nangarhar, was at the time al-Qaeda’s last major stronghold. Bin Laden, al-Zawahiri and more than 300 mostly Arab foreign fighters were positioned in caves and high-altitude peaks, some reaching 14,000 feet. Coalition airstrikes were intense, at times reaching up to 100 attacks per day, including the use of 15,000-pound bombs.

Role of Afghan Commanders & Old Ties

The siege of Tora Bora was complex because many Afghan commanders had previously worked closely with Arab mujahideen.

Awal Gul of Hezb-e Islami party led by Mawlawi Yunis Khalis had once been Bin Laden’s neighbour at Najm al-Jihad camp and hosted safe houses for Arabs in Jalalabad.

Mawlawi Noor Mohammad Haqpal also played a role in passing messages and facilitating the escape of fighters.

Hazrat Ali and Hajji Mohammed Zaman aka Zaman Ghamsharik led ground forces, but local rivalries and old ideological ties complicated the battle.

According to sources present at the time, Afghan fighters were often reluctant to engage directly with “former mujahideen”. Meanwhile, the Americans were wary of fuelling anti-US sentiment and preferred to rely on air power and local forces. Proposals such as sealing the Durand Line by James Mattis, the then US navy commander, were not seriously pursued.

Bin Laden’s Escape

By mid-December, as pressure mounted, tribal networks and local commanders opened escape routes. Bin Laden and al-Zawahiri were first moved to a safe area in a blacked-out vehicle with the help of Awal Gul and then handed over to Mawlawi Noor Mohammad. From there, they crossed the Kunar River and were taken to the homes of Haji Khan Jan and Kashmir Khan, commanders linked to Hezb-e Islami, in Dangam.

During this period, a brief ceasefire and a five-kilometer withdrawal of US forces also facilitated the escape of some fighters. Many fled through mountainous routes such as Zeran Kando, Ghorak and Lalpur towards Pakistan’s Waziristan.

Later Hideouts & Life in Hiding

Bin Laden and al-Zawahiri remained for a time in the homes of Haji Khan Jan and Kashmir Khan, commanders of Hizbe Islami, in Kunar, then hid in Jandol locality. Later, they moved to Ziarat Talash and eventually to the compound near the military academy in Abbottabad. Bin Laden continued to rely on old Hezb-e Islami and tribal networks for movement and communication until he was killed on 2 May 2011.

Conclusion

The siege of Tora Bora became a symbol of the complexity of the Afghan war: a mix of old jihadist loyalties, local rivalries, political calculations and strategic missteps. Bin Laden did not make a last stand but instead exploited these divisions and networks to escape and live in hiding for years.

Note: This report is based on interviews with Haji Din Mohammad, former governor of Nangarhar, Hazrat Ali, individuals close to Awal Gul’s family and Haji Khan Jan, a former Taliban official, residents of the Tora Bora area, as well as written sources and statements by al-Zawahiri.