Taliban Justice Minister Reappears After 48 Days, Attends Conference In Saudi Arabia

Speaking at a press conference in Islamabad on Thursday, Asif highlighted the U.S. commitment to reclaiming these weapons, calling it a positive step. He asserted that the rise in terrorist attacks in Pakistan is directly linked to the use of American weapons now in militant hands.

U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly stressed the need to recover American military equipment from the Taliban. Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry echoed this position on Thursday, stating its full support for the U.S. initiative. Additionally, Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister backed the decision in discussions with the U.S. National Security Advisor.

Addressing the spike in terrorist attacks in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Asif blamed former Prime Minister Imran Khan, ex-Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa, and former ISI Chief General Faiz Hameed for supporting militant groups.

He reiterated that Pakistan remains the biggest victim of terrorism and continues to lead efforts against extremist threats.

Pakistani officials have long accused the Afghan Taliban of backing Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), alleging that TTP militants are using U.S. weapons to threaten Pakistan’s security.

These statements come amid growing tensions between Pakistan and the Taliban. While Islamabad pushes for the retrieval of U.S. weaponry, the Taliban have rejected any possibility of returning the arms, insisting that they are “war spoils” and will not be surrendered under any circumstances.

Naji stated that at least 12 former Afghan security personnel were killed by the Taliban in January alone.

On Friday, he posted on X, saying “Only in January, 12 security personnel lost their lives either in Taliban kangaroo courts or under torture by Taliban members.”

According to Naji, these killings occurred in multiple provinces including three deaths in Parwan, three other in Badakhshan, two in Panjshir, four other in Nangarhar, Kabul, Laghman, and Helmand provinces.

He further expressed concerns that violence against UN staff in Afghanistan in recent months may have affected the collection of information and the accuracy of UNAMA’s report.

The UN Secretary-General’s latest report highlights 42 security incidents against UN staff in Afghanistan over the past three months. These incidents include arrests, beatings, harassment, shootings, threats, and other violations.

On Thursday, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) published its quarterly report, stating that in this period one former Afghan security forces member was killed, 37 people were arbitrarily detained and 18 were subjected to torture.

Despite Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada’s 2021 general amnesty, the UN reported that human rights violations against former government officials and members of Afghanistan’s national defence and security forces continue.

The National Resistance Front (NRF) welcomed the UN’s report, but challenged its accuracy, claiming that it underreported the group’s attacks.

Ali Maisam Nazary, head of foreign relations for the NRF, stated that the number of anti-Taliban attacks exceeds the 53 mentioned in the UN’s findings.

Calling the UN’s recognition of anti-Taliban operations a step forward, Nazary said “It is time for all countries to take the next step and actively support our fight for a safer world so we can make Afghanistan free again!”

In his latest report, UN Secretary-General António Guterres confirmed that military groups opposing the Taliban launched 91 attacks over the past three months, including 53 attacks by the National Resistance Front (NRF), and 21 attacks by the Afghanistan Freedom Front (AFF). Additionally, UNAMA reported that 81 civilians were killed during this period, including 37 men, 8 women, 18 girls, 18 boys, while at least 111 others were injured.

The UN also highlighted an attack on Sufi worshippers in Baghlan, where 11 people were shot dead. While ISIS claimed responsibility, UNAMA noted that other groups were also involved in civilian casualties during the reporting period.

According to OCHA, the funding comes from the Afghanistan Humanitarian Fund (AHF) and the UN’s Emergency Fund, aimed at addressing the country’s worsening humanitarian crisis.

Indrika Ratwatte, Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General in Afghanistan, stated that after decades of conflict, poverty, climate shocks, and escalating security threats, the Afghan people are now facing a decline in life-saving assistance.

Of the newly allocated aid, $19 million originates from the UN’s Emergency Fund, while the remaining $29.5 million comes from the Afghanistan Humanitarian Fund.

Earlier, on Wednesday, 5 March, OCHA reported that at least $3.06 billion is required to meet Afghanistan’s humanitarian needs in 2025. However, 48% of the budget remains unfunded, raising concerns over the UN’s ability to sustain aid operations.

OCHA also warned that there are insufficient funds available to respond to sudden crises this year, heightening the risk for millions of vulnerable Afghans in need of urgent assistance.

The ministry spokesperson stated that the removal of these arms from Taliban control would enhance regional security.

Foreign Ministry spokesperson Shafqat Ali Khan affirmed Pakistan’s concerns over these weapons, noting that their absence from Taliban hands would contribute to stability in Pakistan and the wider region.

Trump recently voiced his frustration over the Taliban’s possession of U.S. military equipment, describing the group as the “world’s biggest arms dealer” and expressing anger at seeing his country’s former enemy parade American weapons.

Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson echoed these concerns, stating that militants within Pakistan have used these weapons—claimed by the Taliban to be under their full control—against Pakistani security forces.

“Our concern is that those weapons have been found being used by terrorists in their operations inside Pakistan. We have flagged it. If the US can make any efforts to get those weapons back, it would be helpful for the overall regional security environment.,” Khan stated.

The spokesperson also highlighted Pakistan’s recent cooperation with the U.S., including the handover of a key ISIS member to American authorities. He emphasised that Pakistan’s security collaboration with the U.S. remains ongoing, covering counterterrorism and intelligence-sharing efforts.

Following Pakistan’s role in capturing the ISIS operative involved in the deadly 2021 Kabul airport attack, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister reportedly conveyed to the U.S. National Security Advisor that Islamabad supports Trump’s stance on retrieving American weapons from the Taliban.

Pakistan’s endorsement of the U.S. position on Taliban-held weapons signals growing frustration with the Afghan Taliban, despite Islamabad’s long-standing investment in the group’s rise to power over the past two decades.

While Pakistan previously backed the Taliban, it now appears to be advocating for U.S. pressure on the group to surrender stockpiles of American-made weapons, which the Taliban deem essential for maintaining their rule and security.

However, political opponents, Afghan political figures inside Afghanistan, women, and human rights activists are expected to be excluded from the gathering.

The assembly is expected to include approximately 2,000 members and will likely be held after Eid al-Fitr.

Selection of Jirga Members Under Taliban Oversight

According to sources in Kabul, the process of selecting members of the Loya Jirga has already begun at both provincial and district levels under the supervision of Taliban-appointed governors.

Reports indicate that 1,344 representatives from all districts will participate in the gathering. Each district will send three members, including a religious scholar, a tribal elder, and a youth representative.

Additionally, provincial clerical councils' leaders and deputies, who operate under Akhundzada’s direct oversight, will also be included in the Jirga’s composition.

Two years ago, the Taliban formed provincial organisations called "Islamist Fighters", primarily composed of young supporters. Although these groups were dissolved after the Taliban consolidated power, there is speculation that youth representatives in the Jirga may be selected from former members of these groups.

The Loya Jirga will be held at Kabul’s Jirga Hall, with its exact date yet to be announced. However, the agenda, committee formations, and the selection process are reportedly being managed from Kandahar.

Akhundzada’s Push for Absolute Control

According to a source familiar with the matter, Akhundzada has instructed provincial governors to submit a list of Jirga members and provincial committee nominees, which will then be sent to Kandahar for approval.

Through this Jirga, Akhundzada aims to legitimise his leadership, transition the cabinet from an interim structure, and establish full control over the Taliban’s governance framework.

Sources indicate that one of the primary objectives of the Jirga is to formalise the Taliban government, removing the “interim” status from all officials, including ministers.

The Taliban regime continues to face a legitimacy crisis both domestically and internationally, with internal divisions within the group further complicating governance.

Internal Taliban Disputes and Rivalries

Several Taliban leaders oppose Akhundzada’s policies and have urged him to moderate his governance approach.

Additionally, the influence of Sirajuddin Haqqani, Minister of Interior, and Mullah Yaqoob Mujahid, Minister of Defence, has challenged Akhundzada’s absolute authority in certain matters.

While the Haqqani faction is expected to attempt to influence the Jirga, the final list of attendees will ultimately be approved in Kandahar.

A source in Kabul confirmed that all provincial governors are Akhundzada loyalists and will seek to exclude any participants who might challenge his leadership.

"Akhundzada frequently consults with clerics and jihadi madrassa leaders when appointing governors and police chiefs. It is expected that he will do the same when selecting Jirga members," the source added.

Previously, Sirajuddin Haqqani attempted to include tribal elders in provincial clerical councils, but his efforts were unsuccessful.

Since the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, Akhundzada has established new provincial councils composed of clerics and tribal elders aligned with the Kandahar-based leadership, effectively replacing the former provincial councils and consolidating power at the local level.

Will the Jirga Address Key National Issues?

It remains unclear whether the Jirga will address fundamental national issues, such as a new Afghan constitution, the national anthem and flag, the structure of government,and the right to education for women and girls. However, initial indications suggest that political opponents, former Afghan officials, and women will be entirely excluded from the assembly.

Political Opposition and International Rejection

A political figure in Kabul, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Afghanistan International that the Jirga, as envisioned by Akhundzada, will not be recognised by Afghan political factions or the international community.

He claimed that "international players" have discussed the potential formation of a Supreme Council representing the Afghan people, which would include both Taliban and non-Taliban members. This council would be responsible for organising a larger assembly to draft a new constitution.

"The focus is on ensuring that representatives of the Afghan people participate in a Grand Council, which will oversee the drafting and ratification of the constitution, ultimately leading to the establishment of a legitimate government," the source stated.

He further noted that work on this proposal is ongoing, though he did not specify which international actors were involved. However, he expressed scepticism that the international community would accept a Taliban-led Jirga as a legitimate political solution.

To date, no country has officially announced support for the creation of a Supreme Council to draft Afghanistan’s constitution.

Debate Over Governance: Jirga or Elections?

While some political figures have supported the idea of a Jirga, others argue that a democratic election is the only viable solution to Afghanistan’s political crisis.

Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf, a long-time opponent of the Taliban, recently called for the formation of Shurā-ye Ḥall wa ‘Aqd, a council composed of “those who are qualified to unbind and to bind”—also described as “the people who loosen and bind”—instead of holding elections, asserting that if a leader is chosen through this council, people will pledge allegiance to him.

Conversely, Habib ur Rahman Hekmatyar, son of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and a member of Hezb-e-Islami, has argued that only a democratic election can provide a legitimate and sustainable resolution.

"Past experiences have shown that forming a council does not resolve disputes. The Taliban’s first regime also established such a council and pledged allegiance to Mullah Mohammad Omar, yet the conflict persisted," Hekmatyar stated.

The National Resistance Front (NRF), led by Ahmad Massoud, and the Afghanistan Freedom Front (AFF), led by Yasin Zia, have both insisted on free and democratic elections as a prerequisite for any peace negotiations with the Taliban.

Additionally, women’s activist groups in Afghanistan continue to demand a legitimate government that upholds gender equality, calling for transparent and inclusive elections.

Jirga Expected to Deepen Taliban’s Legitimacy Crisis

A source aware of the situation in Kabul told Afghanistan International that a "staged Jirga" orchestrated by Akhundzada will not grant legitimacy to the Taliban regime but rather deepen the existing crisis.

"There remains a slight hope for reform within the current administration, with Taliban spokespersons justifying their policies as temporary. However, if Akhundzada uses the Jirga to remove the interim status of his government, even this small hope for change will disappear," the source explained.

He further suggested that Western and regional powers no longer prioritise democratic governance in Afghanistan, stating "The United States, Western nations, and regional powers are not particularly focused on democratic representation in Afghanistan. If their strategic interests are met, they are unlikely to challenge the Taliban’s human rights violations and authoritarian rule."

As of now, no official statements have been made regarding international recognition of Akhundzada’s proposed Jirga, nor has there been any indication that the global community will accept a Taliban-controlled Jirga as a legitimate governing body.