Taliban Publicly Flogs Man in Mazar-e-Sharif for Alcohol & Drug Offences

The Taliban returned to power on August 15, 2021, and since then have banned education for girls at the secondary and higher levels.

According to a statement from UNESCO reported by Agence France-Presse (AFP) on Thursday, the number of boys and girls enrolled in primary education has also decreased by 1.1 million since the Taliban’s take-over of Afghanistan.

The organisation expressed concerns regarding the harmful consequences of the rising dropout rates, which could lead to a rise in child labour and early marriages.

The UN educational agency warned that in just three years, the current Taliban officials have undone nearly two decades of progress in education in Afghanistan, putting the future of an entire generation at risk.

UNESCO’s data shows that 2.5 million girls are now deprived of education, representing 80% of school-age girls in Afghanistan.

The organisation also noted that since 2021, Taliban leaders have deliberately denied at least 1.4 million girls’ access to secondary education.

Recent reports from some Afghan provinces indicate that Taliban officials have instructed that girls over the age of 10 be barred from attending school.

Afghanistan remains the only country in the world where girls and women are not allowed to attend secondary schools and universities.

No country has recognised the Taliban administration as the official government of Afghanistan.

While some UN officials have referred to the Taliban's restrictions on women as "gender apartheid," the organisation has yet to officially endorse these policies as such.

In a detailed statement released on Thursday, Amnesty International stated that Taliban authorities are committing crimes against the people of Afghanistan with "absolute impunity”.

The organisation added that while the Afghan people struggle with despair, three years of Taliban rule and the international community has failed take any meaningful action.

The human rights organisation compiled a report based on interviews with 150 Afghans, including women's rights defenders, academics, protesting women, activists, youth, civil society members, and journalists.

The report highlights the concerns and responses of the international community regarding Afghanistan's future.

Samira Hamidi, Amnesty International Regional Campaigner for South Asia, said, “We spoke with people representing a cross-section of Afghan society throughout the world who overwhelmingly believe that the international community has failed the people of Afghanistan. Not only have they failed to hold the Taliban accountable for the crimes and human rights violations, they have also failed to come up with a strategic direction to prevent any further harm”.

Hamidi stated that three years later, the global community's failure to take meaningful action on the human rights crisis in Afghanistan remains a shame for the world.

Amnesty International's statement mentioned that these interviews were conducted across 21 provinces in Afghanistan and in 10 countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Italy, Canada, and Pakistan.

According to the report, over 20 women's rights activists across 21 provinces in Afghanistan reported losing their jobs in various fields. Once politicians, journalists, teachers, and lawyers, they now feel they are "no-one" with limited opportunities for employment.

Amnesty International quoted a woman named Razia, who said “the women who have lost their agency, jobs and economic status are told that they deserve it, and that the Taliban return is a positive step to shut [down] those who were preaching adultery in the name of human rights and women’s rights”.

The organisation also noted that since the Taliban's rise to power, Afghanistan's judicial system has collapsed, and the group's leader ordered the full implementation of Sharia law in November 2022.

According to Amnesty International, Ahmad Ahmadi, a former defence attorney, stated that the Taliban had announced there was no longer any need for lawyers during trials. He added that they do not believe in the judicial system and are deeply committed to their own interpretation of Sharia.

Amnesty International further stated that the Taliban viewed human rights activists, protesting women, journalists, and political activists as "enemies," leading to their gradual disappearance from the public sphere.

According to the organisation, some were forcibly disappeared, arbitrarily detained, and imprisoned, while others were tortured. Many fled the country, with a large number stranded in Iran, Pakistan, and Türkiye.

Nonetheless, according to Amnesty International, civil society space in Afghanistan has significantly shrunk.

Amnesty International believes that the Taliban have created an "environment of fear and absolute control." The organisation quoted a women's rights activist who said that those who once carried out suicide bombings and killed civilians are now in power.

He mentioned that these fighters are hiding in mountainous and hard-to-reach areas but are being actively pursued by the Taliban forces.

Mujahid assured that they pose no significant threat and are unable to carry out any activities.

These comments come in the wake of the ISIS-Khorasan branch claiming responsibility for an explosion on Sunday, August 11, in the Dashte Barchi area of western Kabul, which targeted Shia Muslims and resulted in approximately 13 casualties, according to a statement released by ISIS on its Telegram channel.

ISIS has previously claimed responsibility for multiple attacks in Kabul and other regions.

Last week, Vladimir Voronkov, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Counter-Terrorism, reported to the Security Council that the financial and logistical capabilities of ISIS-Khorasan have improved over the past six months, and the group has intensified its recruitment efforts.

In response, Mujahid dismissed these claims as "propaganda”.

Vedant Patel, a spokesperson for the US State Department, said on Wednesday that the Taliban lacks legitimacy and no country recognises the group.

In a press conference, Patel stated “To date no country has publicly announced that it recognises the Taliban as the government of Afghanistan, and we continue to.”

He reiterated the United States' conditions for normalising relations with the Taliban.

Patel said that they urged the Taliban to improve their human rights practices before normalisation of relations.

Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban's Foreign Minister, in an interview with the BBC published on Wednesday, claimed that Western countries will eventually normalise relations with the Taliban.

He said that the Taliban welcomes the return of US diplomats to Afghanistan, not US soldiers.

Regarding the human rights conditions set by the US and other countries for normalising relations, Muttaqi said that it is not stated in international laws that if a country's laws on women's employment are different, it should not be recognised.

The Taliban’s Foreign Minister added that they seek relations with the United States and other world powers because they do not want Afghanistan to become a battleground for major powers.

Three years after regaining control of Afghanistan, the Taliban has not been recognised even by its most important ally, Pakistan.

On Wednesday, the Taliban held a special ceremony at the former US military base in Bagram to commemorate August 15 as the day of the withdrawal of foreign forces and the group's return to power.

In this phase, key political and media operatives of the Taliban, a network of military and intelligence veterans trained by Pakistan and other regional countries, propagated a narrative to the mass media claiming that the Taliban had seized military equipment and weapons worth $88 billion from Afghan security and defence forces, making their invincibility seem inevitable.

Domestically, this narrative aimed to intimidate the Taliban's military and political opponents, while regionally and globally, it sought to compel countries to accept the Taliban as the undisputed rulers of Afghanistan.

My comrades and I, who have the honour of fighting against Taliban terrorism and have actively served in the ranks of the Afghan security and defence forces for nearly two decades, know that this narrative is far from reality. It is merely a continuation of the Taliban’s organised psychological warfare against our people.

In this analysis, I aim to provide a clear picture—based on information and analysis rooted in security and intelligence data—of the state of the equipment and weapons left behind by the Afghan security and defence forces, particularly the national army, which collapsed on August 15, 2021, due to a multi-layered political and intelligence conspiracy.

The $88 Billion Spent on an Unfinished War

From 2002 to June 2020, the United States spent $88.61 billion through the Afghanistan Security Forces Fund, established by the US Department of Defense, on equipping, arming, supplying, training, infrastructure, and reconstruction of Afghan defence and security forces.

These resources—which included light and heavy weapons, vehicles including armoured ones, surveillance tools, special forces training, and the equipment of the Afghan Air Force—were deployed in stages as the need to counter threats grew.

A significant portion of this budget was spent annually based on needs assessments. Funds were also used to repair, and maintain equipment and vehicles. Thus, a substantial amount of the total allocated funds had been spent on the Afghan defence and security forces by 2021.

The larger picture was that the ongoing war and Afghanistan's economic dependence on foreign aid restricted the capabilities of the Afghan army and security forces. For instance, the army lacked strategic reserves of weapons, ammunition, and fuel, often facing difficulties in meeting basic needs. Unfortunately, this situation worsened with the start of direct US negotiations with the Taliban and the subsequent signing of the Doha Agreement. It is likely that cutting off US aid to the Afghan army was part of the preconditions for the Taliban's acceptance of the Doha Agreement, leading to a complete cessation of some aid after the agreement was signed.

How Much of the Afghan Security Forces’ Equipment Was Left Behind?

Approximately 70% of the military equipment used by Afghan security and defence forces was of American origin. This included various types of light and heavy weapons, such as M4, M16, M204, M249, M2, and MK19, which replaced older Russian-made weapons like the Kalashnikov, PKM, DShK, AGS, and Russian mortars. These weapons were introduced at the inception of the Afghan security forces and were extensively used throughout the 20-year war until the fall of the republic. Over time and with repeated use, many of these weapons became worn out, damaged, and completely destroyed.

In addition, after the fall of the republic, watchdog organisations and media reported on the sale of remaining weapons and ammunition by the Taliban in provinces like Kandahar, Zabul, Nangarhar, and Khost, with much of it being smuggled into Pakistan. Furthermore, documents and a letter issued by Mullah Hibatullah, the Taliban’s leader, including an 800-page annex listing serial numbers of missing weapons, reveal that about 40% of the weapons and military equipment went missing after the fall of the republic order in Afghanistan.

My experience, along with that of my comrades, indicates that a significant portion of the American military equipment—particularly those used in the Afghan war—was not of high quality. One reason for this was that private companies producing these weapons in the US prioritised profitability over product quality, leading to frequent technical issues. Repairing this equipment was time-consuming and costly.

Some of the equipment now in Taliban hands is worn out, and the Taliban lack the technical capacity and financial resources to repair it.

What Happened to the Afghan Air Force’s Aircraft?

Over the past 20 years, the Afghan Air Force was equipped with 229 combat and transport aircraft. Twenty-five of these were sent abroad for repairs, and 19 were on the verge of being delivered. On August 15, 2021, of the 185 remaining aircraft of the Afghan Air Force, about 46 were flown to Uzbekistan and 18 to Tajikistan. These transfers occurred because, following the signing of the Doha Agreement in February 2020, the withdrawal of contractor companies responsible for aircraft maintenance and a shortage of spare parts left these aircraft unable to deliver essential supplies to the defensive posts and bases of Afghan security forces. Unfortunately, in some cases, the bodies of fallen soldiers and the wounded remained at the frontlines for days before air transport could be arranged.

According to the latest statistics obtained from the Taliban administration, of the 121 aircraft—most of which were destroyed during the evacuation and collapse by a joint special unit of the Ministry of Defence, National Security forces, and US forces—about 52 aircrafts have been reactivated by the Taliban. However, due to a lack of spare parts, pilots, and technical staff, they have very limited operational capability. The Taliban regime, due to imposed sanctions, lacks the capacity to purchase the necessary spare parts for these aircraft.

What Happened to the Armoured and Non-Armoured Vehicles of the Afghan Security Forces?

Most of the armoured and non-armoured vehicles used by Afghan security forces were completely destroyed during the 20 years of war due to roadside bombs, direct combat, and overuse. All of these vehicles were manufactured in the US, spare parts were supplied by donor countries, and several foreign companies were responsible for the maintenance and repair of these vehicles under specific contracts.

After the Doha Agreement was signed, these companies’ contracts were terminated, and they left Afghanistan. The republic government was unable to replace these contractors or provide the necessary resources for vehicle repair and maintenance. In the final months of the republic of Afghanistan, around 80% of the armoured and transport vehicles used by the security and defence forces either required major repairs or were facing a shortage of spare parts.

The Taliban have acquired some of these vehicles, but many have deteriorated due to a lack of maintenance and repair, turning into useless scrap metal. A few are temporarily operational. As a result, the remaining vehicles in Taliban hands are in very poor condition. The lack of spare parts, technical capacity for repair and maintenance, and the high cost of fuel have severely limited the Taliban’s ability to use the vehicles left behind by the Afghan defence and security forces. This strategic gap reduces the Taliban’s capacity to conduct long-term military operations.

How Much Ammunition Does the Taliban Have?

Throughout the 20-year war, millions of rounds of ammunition, including light and heavy weapons for infantry and combat aircraft, were consumed. With the signing of the Doha Agreement, the start of the US troop withdrawal, and the complete cessation of NATO coalition air support for Afghan security forces, military aid to these forces sharply declined and, in some cases, was completely cut off. Afghan security forces faced a severe shortage of heavy weapons ammunition, such as mortars, DShK, AGS, PKM, and various aircraft bombs, which are highly effective in irregular warfare. This shortage greatly reduced the capacity of Afghan ground and air forces to fight the Taliban, accelerating the fall of districts and provinces.

Contrary to the Taliban’s organised propaganda, the group does not possess a significant amount of ammunition because most of what was available to Afghan security forces had been consumed in the final months of the war against Taliban terrorism.

The Myth of Taliban Invincibility

Before the Doha Agreement, despite the 20-year war against NATO and Afghan defence and security forces, the Taliban were unable to control significant portions of Afghanistan’s territory. Their attempts to temporarily control the centres of several provinces in the north, west, and south were unsuccessful. The group was unable to establish regular fronts or unified command and control within Afghanistan. Taliban fighters often received medical treatment in neighbouring countries, and their leaders resided in various cities in Pakistan, Iran, the UAE, Qatar, and other countries.

Therefore, the Taliban and their external supporters' portrayal of the group’s military strength is unrealistic and exaggerated, as the weapons and equipment left behind by Afghan armed forces are mostly worn-out weapons, malfunctioning vehicles, grounded helicopters, and empty ammunition depots. Replenishing and maintaining this equipment in the short term is impossible and extremely costly.

The strength of any military force relies on six principles: leadership, discipline, institution-building, technology and weaponry, strategy, and support systems. Taliban factions and militias are not only unfamiliar with these principles, but the equipment and weapons left behind by Afghan armed forces are inadequate to meet the group’s long-term military needs.

At best, the Taliban remain an insurgent group lacking the capacity for institution-building and governance. The armed struggle of Afghanistan’s freedom fighters over the past three years and the significant casualties they have inflicted on Taliban militias demonstrate the group’s vulnerability in military and intelligence terms. A powerful and united anti-Taliban front could bring the Taliban to their knees.

Taliban leaders and militias are unfamiliar with the diverse languages and cultures of Afghan society and will never gain national or popular legitimacy. The people of Afghanistan, both in cities and rural areas, view them as occupiers. The populace is fed up with the regressive, anti-women, and anti-freedom rule of the Taliban, and it won’t be long before our people’s uprising will drive them out of our land.

The continued existence of the Taliban's reign of terror, crime, and horror is not due to possessing $88 billion worth of weaponry and equipment but rather due to the divergent views, disunity, and failure of the leaders, elites, and political and military forces opposing the Taliban to learn from the lessons of the past.