National Resistance Front leader Ahmad Massoud rejected claims of divisions among the Taliban’s opponents, saying they remained united around shared principles and values. He also argued that anti-Taliban figures would outperform the Taliban in free elections.
Speaking during an online event marking the 10th anniversary of the death of former jihadi commander Sayed Hussain Anwari, Massoud said narratives portraying the Taliban’s opponents as divided and fragmented were part of an effort to spread hopelessness among the Afghan people and the international community.
The National Resistance Front leader urged anti-Taliban groups and movements to remain alert to what he described as divisive narratives. He said: “We are not fragmented. We are united, cohesive and committed to shared principles and values.”
Referring to the public support enjoyed by several anti-Taliban figures, Massoud said that if free and genuine elections were held and people were able to vote freely, the Taliban would not be able to defeat established political figures with broad public backing.
He cited former Afghan vice-president Abdul Rashid Dostum as an example, saying: “Is it possible for Marshal Dostum to stand in an election and for a Taliban candidate to receive more votes than him? That is impossible.”
Responding to claims that there is no alternative to the Taliban administration, Massoud said the alternative was not an individual but a national and lawful political process.
According to him, that process would include the formation of a transitional government, the drafting of a constitution, the convening of a Loya Jirga and the holding of free elections to establish a legitimate government accepted by all Afghan citizens.
Afghanistan has faced deep political, security and social crises over the past five years. During this period, anti-Taliban groups and political figures living in exile have repeatedly called for the creation of an alternative political structure and a vision for Afghanistan’s future political system through conferences and political initiatives.
However, those efforts have yet to produce a broad, unified and influential coalition or any practical political alternative to the Taliban.
The Council on Foreign Relations has warned in its latest report that terrorism and extremism under Taliban rule continue to pose a serious threat to the security of neighbouring countries and regional stability.
According to the Centre for Preventive Action’s Global Conflict Tracker, published on July 6, 2026, the Taliban continues to enforce absolute control over Afghanistan through its strict interpretation of Sharia law. The report says terrorist groups, including al-Qaeda, have turned Afghanistan into a base for recruiting, training and deploying militants beyond the country’s borders.
The Council on Foreign Relations also said the Taliban’s ban on girls’ secondary education remains in place, alongside restrictions requiring women to travel with a male guardian and cover their faces in public. According to the report, Afghans continue to face a serious threat from terrorist attacks under Taliban rule.
Rising Tensions With Pakistan
A key section of the report focuses on deteriorating relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. It says Pakistan has effectively entered into “open war” with the Taliban following air strikes on Taliban military facilities. According to the report, the confrontation marks the most direct military clash between the two sides since the Taliban returned to power in 2021.
Islamabad says the strikes were a response to attacks by the Pakistani Taliban aka Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which Pakistani officials accuse of operating from Afghan territory. The report notes that 2025 was Pakistan’s deadliest year in more than a decade, with conflict-related deaths rising by 74% to more than 3,400.
The report says the conflict intensified in February and March 2026. It states that Pakistan carried out extensive air strikes in Nangarhar and Paktika provinces and that, on March 16, a Pakistani air strike on a hospital in Kabul killed at least 269 civilians. It adds that China has attempted to mediate between the two sides through talks in Urumqi, but no formal agreement has yet been reached.
Terrorist Threats and Humanitarian Crisis
The report also highlights the continued activities of ISIS-K, saying the group remains capable of carrying out attacks both within the region and beyond, including the Moscow shooting attack in March 2024. It also identifies Baloch militant groups as an ongoing security threat to Pakistan.
The Council on Foreign Relations warns that Afghanistan continues to face one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises. In 2025, nearly 23 million people, almost half the population, required humanitarian assistance, while more than 28% of the population suffered from malnutrition.
The Taliban on Friday, July 10, again detained several women on Herat for allegedly failing to comply with the group’s dress code. Sources said two Taliban morality police patrol vehicles took several women to an undisclosed location.
Sources told Afghanistan International that at least two patrol vehicles belonging to the Taliban’s Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice were present on Herat’s 64-Metre Road, where several women were detained.
According to the sources, the vehicles were filled with detained women, although the exact number remains unclear.
Among many residents of Herat, 64-Metre Road is also known as Juma Bazaar, where new and second-hand household goods are auctioned every Friday.
Images obtained by Afghanistan International show two Taliban vehicles transporting a number of women from the area.
The wave of arrests of women in Herat began in mid-June.
Residents of Jebrail township took to the streets on Tuesday, June 9, to protest the detentions. Demonstrators chanted “Education, Work, Freedom” and “Woman, Life, Freedom”.
Taliban forces dispersed the protest by opening fire and beating demonstrators.
At least two teenage boys were killed, and more than 20 people were injured.
Several protesters were also detained.
Three days later, on Friday, June 12, a group of Herat residents gathered outside the Taliban governor’s office. Protesters again called for an end to the detention of women and demanded the right to education and work.
Before the protest began, the Taliban deployed hundreds of armed personnel and military vehicles across the city. Taliban forces fired on the crowd, dispersed the demonstrators and detained several participants.
The detention of women and the suppression of protests in Herat prompted demonstrations in nearly 30 cities worldwide. Afghans and supporters of women’s rights gathered in parts of Europe, Canada, the United States, Australia and other countries.
Chanting “Education, Work, Freedom”, demonstrators called for an end to the detention of women, a halt to the crackdown on protesters and urged governments not to normalise relations with the Taliban.
British author Karen Bartlett has won the 2026 Orwell Prize for Politics for Escape From Kabul, which tells the true story of the rescue of nearly 200 Afghan women judges and their families after the Taliban returned to power in 2021.
In a statement released alongside the award, the Orwell Foundation said Afghan women judges had played a vital role over the past two decades in tackling corruption and handling cases involving violence against women and children. However, after the withdrawal of Western forces and the Taliban’s return to power, their lives were placed at grave risk, as the Taliban released thousands of prisoners, including people convicted by those same judges.
Accepting the award, Bartlett said being shortlisted had come as a surprise and that the honour belonged to Afghanistan’s women judges, whom she described as extraordinarily brave.
She also criticised the situation in Afghanistan, saying that while she was able to live and write freely in Britain, Afghan women and girls had been deprived of basic rights, including access to work, education and freedom of movement.
Rohan Silva, chair of the Orwell Prize judges, praised the book, published by Duckworth Books, for its powerful storytelling, deep empathy, and clear prose. He said it had succeeded in bringing global attention to an important story, highlighting in particular the experiences of Reyhana Atayi, who served as a judge in Nangarhar under dangerous and difficult conditions.
Status of the Evacuated Women Judges
According to the International Association of Women Judges, which coordinated the rescue and relocation effort, nearly 180 of Afghanistan’s approximately 260 women judges have so far been evacuated with their families to safe countries.
They are now living in countries including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Australia, Brazil and several other European nations. Canada accepted 40 families under its government refugee resettlement programme, with most now living in Toronto and surrounding areas.
However, official reports indicate that around 45 women judges remain in precarious circumstances. Some are hiding inside Afghanistan, while others are living in Pakistan with expired visas and fear deportation.
Taliban Policies Against Women
After returning to power, the Taliban dismantled Afghanistan’s previous judicial system and removed all women judges from their positions.
Over the past five years, the group has issued dozens of restrictive decrees banning girls from education beyond the sixth grade and university, while imposing sweeping restrictions on women's employment.
Women in Afghanistan are now barred from working in government institutions, non-governmental organisations and UN offices, as well as from entering many public places, including parks, recreational areas and sports stadiums. Many international organisations and human rights advocates describe these policies as a form of gender apartheid.
Nearly five years after taking power, the Taliban are seeking to transform their fighters into a regular army by finding new ways to equip armoured units, artillery, an air force and logistical networks.
As part of this effort, on May 27, during the Moscow International Security Meeting, Taliban Defence Minister Mohammad Yaqoob Mujahid signed a military-technical cooperation agreement with Sergei Shoigu, Secretary of Russia’s Security Council. Under the deal, Moscow will refurbish Soviet-era military equipment currently in the Taliban’s possession.
The agreement comes as relations between the Taliban and Pakistan have remained strained since January, with Pakistani aircraft repeatedly striking Kabul and Afghanistan’s border provinces.
According to findings by Afghanistan International, the Taliban has asked Moscow to help restore weapons, armoured vehicles, air defence systems and even repair and reactivate fighter jets and military helicopters under the new agreement.
Reviving the Soviet Legacy
According to multiple sources in the Taliban’s Defence Ministry, Administrative Affairs Office, General Directorate of Intelligence and Foreign Ministry, the military-technical agreement covers five main areas: troop training, technical support for weapons, intelligence cooperation, operations against armed groups Russia considers a threat, and logistical cooperation.
Sources said the main focus of the partnership is combating the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K), which Moscow regards as a serious threat to Russia and Central Asia.
Russia has pledged to repair and supply small arms to strengthen Taliban outposts along the Durand Line and the borders with Central Asian states.
However, Taliban requests extend well beyond that.
A source in the Taliban Administrative Affairs Office’s Defence and Security Directorate told Afghanistan International that the group is seeking direct ties with Russia’s military-industrial complex to facilitate both the purchase and maintenance of weapons.
The Taliban has prepared a list of 14,803 rifles from the AK family for refurbishment, with Russia expected to repair the weapons and provide ammunition. The list includes AK-47, AKM, AKMS and AK-74 assault rifles, commonly known in Afghanistan as Kalashnikovs.
It also includes 8,632 AKS-74U (Krinkov) carbines, SKS semi-automatic rifles and SVD Dragunov sniper rifles requiring repairs. In addition, the Taliban has requested the refurbishment of 21,032 Makarov, TT-33 and Stechkin automatic pistols.
Military analysts say many of these weapons entered Afghanistan during the Soviet-backed governments and through decades of conflict.
Although the US-made weapons currently held by the Taliban are more advanced than Soviet designs, their use has declined steadily because of limited access to spare parts, ammunition and maintenance services.
The Taliban has also identified heavy weapons for repair, including 765, DShK heavy machine guns, PKM machine guns, ZU anti-aircraft guns, KPV heavy machine guns and RPK light machine guns. These weapons remain important for battlefield operations and defending military outposts.
In the anti-armour category, the Taliban has requested not only RPG-7 rocket launchers, SPG-9 and B-10 recoilless guns, but also guided anti-tank missiles such as the 9M14 Malyutka and 9K111 Fagot.
The Malyutka and Fagot are Soviet-designed anti-tank missiles regarded as among the most lethal weapons against heavily armoured targets. The first-generation Malyutka is manually guided with a joystick and can engage tanks at ranges of up to three kilometres. The second-generation Fagot is more advanced, launched from a tube and guided semi-automatically through an optical sight.
Sources said the Taliban’s Defence Ministry has listed these systems as requested equipment because their current availability has not been confirmed.
According to the sources, the Taliban has also specifically requested shoulder-fired air defence systems such as the Strela and Igla. These Soviet- and Russian-made missiles use infrared guidance to track the heat signature of aircraft engines.
The systems are primarily designed to shoot down low-flying aircraft, including helicopters, military transport planes and some fighter aircraft.
The request comes as analysts argue that Afghanistan’s airspace remains insecure, with repeated reports of unidentified drones flying over the country.
Taliban Seek to Restore Soviet-Era Tanks and Armoured Vehicles
The Afghan Defence Ministry’s inventory includes 76 BTR-60 and BTR-70 eight-wheeled armoured personnel carriers, BMP-1 and BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles, and T-55 and T-62 tanks. Previous estimates suggested the fleet once totalled around 460 vehicles.
Sources within the Taliban Defence Ministry told Afghanistan International that these vehicles are also on the refurbishment list. Only 21 are currently operational, while the remainder require extensive repairs.
During the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), BMP-1 and BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles played a significant role in Soviet military operations. Combat experience exposed serious shortcomings in the BMP-1’s design, accelerating the deployment of the improved BMP-2.
Military analysts say the BMP-1, originally designed for combat on Europe’s open plains, struggled in Afghanistan’s mountainous terrain. Its 73mm gun proved less effective against Mujahideen positions at high altitudes, while its armour was vulnerable to RPG-7 rockets and heavy machine-gun fire. Many of these weaknesses were addressed in the BMP-2.
The Taliban has also requested repairs to 31 self-propelled 152mm artillery systems and 27 multiple rocket launchers.
According to the sources, the Taliban-controlled Defence Ministry also possesses 3,020 Russian-made KamAZ trucks, artillery transporters, trailers and specialised tank transporters, although it remains unclear how many require refurbishment.
The issue of KamAZ vehicles was also discussed during the Kazan Economic Forum in May between Taliban representatives and officials from Russia and Tatarstan.
Will the “Devil’s Chariot” Fly Again?
Perhaps the most significant Taliban request concerns the air force.
The group has asked Russia to repair 11 Mi-8 and Mi-17 transport helicopters, along with four Mi-24 attack helicopters. The Mi-24, known in Afghanistan as the “Devil’s Chariot”, is widely used for close air support missions.
The Taliban has also requested repairs to 12 Soviet-era combat aircraft, including MiG-21 and MiG-23 fighters, as well as Su-22 and Su-25 ground attack aircraft.
These aircraft are currently stored in hangars at Kabul, Herat, Jalalabad, Khost, Bagram and Kandahar airports.
Recent Taliban changes in Badakhshan, from reshuffling local officials to deploying a 1,000-strong special force, point to a growing struggle over control of the province’s lucrative gold mines.
According to several Taliban members from Badakhshan, these measures are linked to efforts by the group’s leadership to wrest control of gold and precious-stone mines from local commanders and place them under the authority of the Taliban’s central leadership in Kandahar.
An Afghanistan International investigation indicates that the Taliban leadership has launched a coordinated campaign in recent months to curb the growing influence of local commanders in Badakhshan. The measures include dismissing, arresting and transferring influential local figures, replacing them with individuals trusted by Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada and his inner circle, and deploying a newly formed 1,000-member military unit to the province.
Sources within the local Taliban told Afghanistan International that the moves reflect increasing concern among the leadership about the growing economic and military power of Badakhshani commanders. According to these sources, control of mining operations has provided some commanders with substantial financial resources, enabling them to independently finance projects worth up to one million dollars.
A 1,000-strong force to guard mines or suppress dissent?
Around two months ago, Taliban governor Ismail Ghaznavi reportedly requested that Hibatullah Akhundzada send a special 1,000-member force to Badakhshan. The unit has since arrived.
While the governor said the force was intended to protect gold mines, residents argue its real mission is to curb the influence of local commanders and strengthen Kandahar’s direct control over the province’s mineral wealth.
Some Badakhshani Taliban members describe the move as part of a broader effort to Kandahar fraction control of Badakhshan’s mines, aimed at consolidating Akhundzada’s authority over the province’s strategic resources.
Removal, Dismissal and Exile Of Local Taliban
Recent developments suggest the campaign extends beyond administrative changes and has taken on political and security dimensions.
In the latest move, the Taliban removed Shafiqullah Hafizi as head of Badakhshan’s mining department.
Hafizi, a native of Yeftal district in Badakhshan, was replaced by Abdul Matin Rahimzai from Logar province.
Hafizi had previously played a key role in managing mining operations in Shahri Buzurg and Shewa districts. Attempts to remove him had been made last year, but he retained his position with the backing of former Taliban governor Qari Ayub Khalid.
Sources say his replacement forms part of a wider effort to transfer control of the mining sector to figures closer to the Kandahar leadership.
Transfer Of Juma Khan Fateh
One of the most notable cases is the removal of Juma Khan Fateh, an influential Taliban figure in the Darwaz districts. He was dismissed as district governor of Nusay and appointed deputy governor of Zabul province.
Sources told Afghanistan International that Fateh was deeply dissatisfied with the transfer and refused to report to Zabul for about a month.
Over recent years, he reportedly sought to strengthen his position by cultivating support from senior Taliban figures, including Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar.
Despite his transfer, local sources say Fateh continues to exercise influence over mines in Nusay, Shekay and Khwahan through an associate known as Musa Kaka and hundreds of armed followers. They claim he earns millions of afghanis from these operations.
Sources in Shekay district said individuals loyal to Fateh have even obstructed official mining officials from collecting revenues.
Arrest Of District Governor
Abdul Khabir Nezami, the Taliban district governor of Argo and a figure linked to the Shewa mining area, was arrested following an armed confrontation with Taliban forces in Arghanj Khwa district.
Sources said forces loyal to the provincial governor entered the Shewa area to limit his influence. Following the clash, Nezami was summoned to the governor’s office in Faizabad and arrested by the special unit.
He is currently being held in Kunduz prison awaiting a ruling from a Taliban military court.
Former Mining Chief Imprisoned
Sources also identified Abdul Rahman Ammar, a former head of Badakhshan’s mining department and an influential figure in Shahri Buzurg, as another target of the campaign.
He was arrested in October 2025 after opposing the presence of non-local Taliban members and companies associated with them in Shahri Buzurg.
One of the Taliban’s largest gold extraction projects is located there, where mining reportedly continues around the clock with Chinese involvement.
Local sources said Ammar abandoned plans for armed resistance after mediation by Qari Fasihuddin the Taliban army chief and surrendered, but he is now serving a prison sentence in Kunduz under a ruling from a Taliban military court.
100,000 People Work In Badakhshan Gold projects
Badakhshan is one of Afghanistan’s most important mining regions, with rich deposits of gold, lapis lazuli and other precious stones.
The Taliban Ministry of Mines and Petroleum says 100,000 people are employed in gold extraction projects across the province.
Major mining operations are underway in Shahri Buzurg, Yawan, Kohistan, Raghistan, Khwahan and Arghanjkhwa districts.
Critics, however, argue that these projects lack transparency and accountability and violate Afghan law as well as international standards.
Former Afghan president Ashraf Ghani has previously said that mining contracts signed secretly by the Taliban lack international legitimacy and that there is little transparency about how long resources are being leased or where the revenues are being spent.
Analysts say events in Badakhshan reflect more than an administrative dispute. They are part of a broader struggle over wealth, authority and control of gold resources within the Taliban itself.
While the Taliban leadership in Kandahar seeks to bring strategic revenue sources under direct control, some local commanders in Badakhshan, who built independent power bases during years of conflict, view the process as a threat to their influence.
The deployment of forces, arrests of commanders and management changes may all signal an effort to contain these tensions before they evolve into a larger challenge to Taliban unity.
Badakhshan, it appears, has become more than a battleground for administrative control; it is emerging as a testing ground in a growing struggle over gold and power.